Digest of news from Slovakia, Czechia, and Poland, November 3 - November 9, 2025

Slovakia

Key news to follow:

1. Fico against the use of Russian assets in ​​favor of Ukraine
2. A recent poll by the Focus agency shows high distrust of all members of Slovakia's government


Analysis: Robert Fico once again has shown his consistent readiness to defend the Kremlin’s financial interests under the guise of legal pragmatism. His categorical refusal to support the use of frozen Russian assets for Ukraine’s military assistance is accompanied by cynical rhetoric about “fueling the war” – as if the €185 billion in question were intended to prolong the conflict rather than to defend European security against Russian aggression. The Slovak prime minister builds a narrative in which it is aid to the defending country, not the invasion by the aggressor, that supposedly prolongs the conflict. This logic deliberately distorts cause-and-effect relationships and blatantly ignores the fact that these frozen assets belong to a state that systematically violates international law. Especially telling is the synchronization of Bratislava’s position with Belgian concerns over the use of assets held on its territory. In fact, Fico is buying time to lobby ahead of the EU’s December decision, using the hesitation of other countries as cover for his own pro-Russian line.

No member of Robert Fico’s cabinet enjoys the trust of a majority of Slovaks – this is not merely low polling: it is a total collapse of the government’s legitimacy in the eyes of its citizens. Even the most “popular” ministers, Labour Minister Erik Tomáš and Transport Minister Jozef Ráž, have trust ratings of only 38% and 37%, while distrust in them reaches 57% and 51%, respectively. This points to deep alienation between the government and society. The deterioration is dramatic: while in July some ministers hovered around the 40% trust threshold, by October not one surpassed it. The prime minister himself enjoys the trust of just 28% of the population, while 69% distrust him. Heads of the security ministries –Defence Minister Robert Kaliňák and Interior Minister Matúš Šutaj Eštok – face distrust levels of 70% and 66%. The situation is worse for members of the Slovak National Party: Tourism and Sports Minister Rudolf Gulyás is distrusted by 75% of respondents, Culture Minister Martina Šimkovičová by 71%, and Investment Minister Samuel Migal has the trust of only 15% of citizens.

These numbers cannot be dismissed as standard government unpopularity during difficult times. The scale of distrust points to a fundamental problem: citizens are not merely dissatisfied with the government’s policies – they do not believe in the competence or integrity of those making decisions on their behalf. Particularly alarming is the collapse of confidence in the security institutions, which, in a context of hybrid threats and regional instability, creates additional national security risks. The paradox is that despite catastrophic approval ratings, the Fico government continues to pursue an aggressive foreign policy line that contradicts the principles of European solidarity. The lack of internal legitimacy does not prevent Bratislava from blocking critical EU-level decisions, creating a dangerous precedent in which a government distrusted by its own people can paralyze Europe’s collective security policy. The Institute notes that Slovakia’s crisis of trust is not confined to domestic politics – it has direct consequences for the stability of the entire Central European region. 

Czech Republic

Key news to follow:

1.A new Czech speaker ordered to remove the Ukrainian flag from the parliament building
2. Filip Turek promises a transition from military aid to humanitarian support for Ukraine
3. Czechia reportedly wants to impose sanctions on the Russian Orthodox Church head


Analysis: Newly elected Speaker of the Czech Parliament Tomio Okamura personally assisted in removing the Ukrainian flag that had flown over the Chamber of Deputies since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion – a deliberate fulfillment of his SPD party’s campaign promise. The act, which he proudly highlighted on social media, symbolized more than just a change of decoration: it marked a clear political shift. Okamura, who has previously called for restrictions on Ukrainian refugees and an end to military aid, has now gained the institutional power to act on his anti-Ukrainian rhetoric through a coalition deal with Andrej Babiš’s ANO movement and the “Motorists” party.

The removal of the flag – a long-standing emblem of Czech solidarity and historical memory of resistance to occupation – signals a deeper transformation of Prague’s foreign policy. Statements by incoming foreign minister Filip Turek about moving from military to humanitarian assistance, and by deputy prime minister Karel Havlíček about possibly ending the ammunition initiative, reinforce this trend. The Institute warns that such symbolic and practical steps together amount to the gradual “de-Ukrainization” of Czech foreign policy, eroding what was once a pillar of European support for Kyiv.

At the same time, both the outgoing and incoming governments have shown rare unity in considering sanctions against Metropolitan Hilarion, head of the Russian Orthodox Church in Czechia, for his ties to Moscow’s intelligence apparatus. Even Babiš – otherwise cautious about confronting Russia – has backed the proposal. This narrow area of consensus contrasts sharply with the broader retreat from Czechia's previously firm pro-Ukrainian stance, raising concerns that future cooperation with Kyiv may be confined to isolated gestures rather than a sustained strategic partnership. 

Poland

Key news to follow:

1. Polish media say Ukraine is slowing down negotiations on exhumations
2. Populism is holding back EU enlargement – Radosław Sikorski
3. Fake about “treating Ukrainian Nazis in Poland” – Center for Countering Disinformation

Analysis: Polish media have accused Ukraine of delaying permits for the exhumation of victims of the Volyn tragedy. RMF FM reported that out of 26 requests submitted this year by Poland’s Institute of National Remembrance, Kyiv has approved only one – in Mostyska, Lviv region – with another expected in Ivano-Frankivsk region. Ukrainian authorities are allegedly slow to convene the commission that must approve further exhumations, while the permits’ one-year validity risks forcing new applications. Warsaw sees this as unnecessary obstruction; Kyiv, already stretched by wartime demands, rightfully insists the issue requires caution and coordination.

The exhumation question remains one of the most sensitive topics in Polish-Ukrainian relations. Poland’s right to locate and rebury its wartime victims is indisputable, but Ukraine must balance those demands with domestic political sensitivities and limited administrative capacity. The Institute notes that media claims of “delays” may reflect both genuine bureaucracy and political pressure. Ukrainian Ambassador Vasyl Bodnar has promised new permits soon – the real test will be whether these assurances translate into action. Both nations must avoid letting this historic issue undermine the solidarity vital to countering Russian aggression.

Against this backdrop, Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski has warned that populism inside the EU complicates accession for Ukraine and Moldova. He pointed to democratic erosion in Hungary and under Poland’s previous PiS government as reasons Brussels now hesitates to expand. His frank comments highlight a broader truth: populist governance has made older EU members wary of admitting states that could later challenge the bloc’s democratic norms. Ukraine’s progress is thus judged not only by reforms but by fears of future instability – a political, not technical, barrier.

Meanwhile, Russian propaganda continues exploiting such tensions. Pro-Kremlin accounts have revived a 2023 fake about “Ukrainian Nazis” allegedly treated in Polish hospitals – a deliberate attempt to stir resentment and fracture bilateral trust. The photo used lacks any verifiable origin, yet it spreads easily because it taps into emotional narratives about history and identity. The Institute warns that Moscow’s information operations rely on recycling old lies until they regain traction. Combating them demands not just fact-checking, but deeper public resilience – preserving the Polish-Ukrainian partnership that Russia seeks to erode from within.